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CIHM/ICMH 

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1 

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'      -«■    - 

•: 

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:• 


Price  10  cents. 


ADDRESS 


BV 


Hon.  Edward  Blake,  M.  P, 


DELIVERED    IN 


h 


BOSTON  MUSIC  HALL 
Wednesday  Evening,  January  31,  1894. 


/»  0 

published  by 

The  Municipal  Council  of  the  Irish  national  Federation 
Ok"  Boston  and  Vicinity. 


p.  I! 


A  SKETCH  OF  MR.  BLAKE'S  CAREER. 

The  lion.  Edwanl  IJlak^',  Q.  C.  LL.  I).,  and  now  a  nitMiiluT  of  tlio  Biiti.sli  House 
of  Commons,  was  horn  at  Adelaide,  Ontario,  Canula,  Oct.  l;i,  ls:5.'!.  He  became 
M.  A.  of  Toronto  University  in  1.S5.S,  l)e{;an  tlie  study  of  law  in  18.7.),  and  in  IHlU  lieeame 
a  Queen's  Counsel.  In  1S(J7  Ik;  was  (dected  to  tlie  Dutario  Lefjislature,  and  aftca'ward 
to  tli<' Dominion  I'arliament,  and  in  1871-1S72  was  Premier  of  Ontari(..  He  relaine<l 
tliis  position  only  one  session,  bring  oblij^ed  to  resign  it  on.  aeeount  of  the  Dual 
llepresentation  act.  In  ISTJ!  also  lu^  beeanu'  a  member  of  the  Canadian  Cabinet  under 
the  Mack(!n/,i(^  administration,  serving  for  various  |)eri()ds  as  Minister  of  Justice  and 
President  of  t\u-  Council.  The  Cliancell()rslii|)  of  Ontario  and  the  Chief  .fusticesliii) 
of  th(!  Supremo  Court  of  the  Dominion  were  olTered  to  liiiu,  but  he  (b'clined  lioth.  In 
187H  he,  with  many  other  members  of  his  party,  was  defeated  f(U-  re-eleetioTi,  but  he 
re-entered  Parliament  in  the  fjillowing  year  anil  was  for  years  afttsrward  recognized 
as  the  leader  of  the  Liberal  party.  Jle  was  (diosen  Clumcellor  of  the  University 
of  Toronto  in  1870,  and  has  1)een  repeatedly  (dected  siinro.  II(!  (U'clined  a  knighthocjd 
in  1877,  and  in  1889  had  the  degree  of  LL.' D.  conferred  on  luni  by  the  University  of 
Toronto.  At  the  last  general  Uritish  and  Irish  el.!ctions  Ik;  was  (dected  M.  P.  for  the 
County  Longford,  Ireland,  which  he  now  ably  represents  in  the  House  of  Commous, 
London. 

What  the  Most  Rev,  Archbishop  Walsh  of  Toronto  says  of  Mr.  Blake. 

The  Most  Il(!V.  John  Walsli,  Archbishop  of  Toronto,  recently  directed  tliat  a 
collection  for  the  purposes  repr(!sente("(  by  Mr.  Blak(^  be  taken  up  in  all  the  chur(die.s 
of  the  arclidiocese  on  Quin(<uagesinui  Sunday.  In  the  circular  to  the  chu'gy  an- 
nouncing this  collection,  he  say.s  of  Irelan.d's  appeal  and  of  the  chami)ion  Clmada 
lias  given  lu-r : — 

"This  apiieal  i.s  not  only  sanctioniid,  but  is  nrg(!d  as  a  matter  of  the  last  impor- 
tance by  the  Hon.  Edward  IJIa'ie,  who,  with  all  the  earnestness,  zeal,  and  enthusiasm 
of  a  knight  of  old,  has  devoted  his  time  and  talents  to  the  cause  of  Homo  Rule  in 
Ireland. 

"The  sacrifices  of  time  and  money,  and  o  personal  ease  and  comfort  made  by 
this  distinguished  gentleman  for  the  liberty,  prosjterity,  and  happiness  of  Ireland 
are  certainly  stimulating  and  encouraging,  and  loudly  call,  not  alone  for  our  admira- 
tion, but  primarily  and  specially  tor  our  imitation." 

In  view  of  the  hard  times  at  home,  says  the  Arcld)ishop  further  on,  the  appeal 
would  be  withludd,  but  that  Iridand's  necessities  are  so  pressing. 

"  For  us  to  fail  now  in  reaching  out  a  strong  ludping  hand  to  the  sacr(Hl  cause  of 
Irish  self-government  and  rightful  liberty  would  be  to  throw  up  onr  arms  on  the 
eve  of  victory,  to  render  usehjss  the  sacu-itices  and  struggles  of  the  past,  to  abandon 
poor  Ireland  to  the  want,  misery,  and  suiferingthat  have  made  her  the  mater  dolorosa 
of  the  nations,  and  to  condemn  her  to  the  shame  of  failure  and  the  agony  of  despair." 


HON.    EDWARD    BLAKE'S    SPEECH    IN    AID    OF 
HOME    RULE    FOR    IRELAND. 

An  immens(>,  andi(!nce  presided  over  by  tins  Hon.  Nathan  Matthews,  Jr.,  Mayor  of 
Boston,  gri^eted  the  Hon.  Edward  Blake  on  his  ajipearance  at  Boston  Music  Hall  on 
the  (ivening  of  January  31,  181)4. 

Seated  on  the  i)latform  and  scatt(!red  through  the  audience  were  many  of  Boston's 
most  distinguished  citizens,  whose  marked  attention  and  earnest  enthusiasm  was 
manifested  during  the  entire  discourse.  Among  thoiiis  whu  m(!t  and  congratulated 
Mr.  Blake  up(Ui  his  ai)p(;arance  in  Boston  were  Hon.  tJathan  Matthews,  Jr.,  Mayor  of 
Boston  ;  ilon,  A.  \V.  ISeard,  Unit(Hl  States  Collector  of  Customs  of  the  Port  of  Boston; 
Hon.  Jonathan  A.  Lane,  President  Boston  Merchants'  Association;  Judge  Charles 
L(!vi  Woodbury;  Ex-Mayor  Thomas  N.  Hart;  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Gargan ;  Chairman  of 
State  Committee  I.  N.  V.,  Hon.  Alfred  Hemenway;  Hon.  E.  A.  Pillsbury,  Attorney 
General;  Hon.  Ha'-\'ey  N.  Shepard ;  Hon.  John  Conness,  Ex-United  States  Senator; 
Hon.  Patrick  Maguire,  Editor  of  Republic;  James  JelTrey  Roche,  Editor  Pilot; 
Edward  H.  Clement,  Editor  Transcript;  Clias.  H.  Taylor,  Editor  Globe;  Stephen 
O'Meara,  Editor  Boston  Journal;  Eliot  Lord,  Editor  Trav(dl(ir;  W.  F.  Murray,  Esij., 
of  Boston  Herald;  H.  H.  Fletcher,  Esij.,  Manager  Associat(!d  Pre.ss ;  Hon.  W.  W. 
Doherty,  United  Stat(!S  Marshal;  Hon.  Eneas  Smythe;  Hon.  John  R.  Murphy;  Hon. 
Henry  F.  Naphen ;  Wm.  J.  Burke;  Christoi)her  Blake;  Dr.  P.  J.  Timmins;  Dr.  Phillip 
P.  K(Jlly;  Col.  Thomas  F.  Doherty  ;  D.  P.  Sullivan  ;  Domini(  k  T(jy  ;  James  B.  Hand  : 
T.  B.  Fitzpatrick;  P.  J.  Flatley;  Geo.  Phillips;  Wm.  Andn^ws ;  Lawrence  Reade; 
P.  B.  Magr.iin;  Capt.  P.  S.  Curry;  James  F.  Roche,  Esq.,  and  many  others. 

The  Bost(m  Herald  justly  .says  of  it:  "Arguments  of  history,  of  expediency,  of 
humanity,  and  even  of  practical  politics,  were  marshaled  one  by  one,  in  irresistible 
manner,  to  prove  the  pressing  necessity  for  home  rule,  not  only  for  Ireland,  but  all 
parts  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  the  frecjuent  and  prolonged  bnrsts  of  enthusiasm 


k 


ADDKESS   OP   HON.   EDWARD    RLAKE,    M.    P., 


with  wliich  the  gentleman's  utterances  were  received  proved  beyond  cavil  that  the 
great  audience  was  entirely  in  agreement  with  his  views. 

"  His  speech  was  full  of  the  tire  which  is  so  closely  associated  with  the  general 
ideas  of  Irish  oratory,  yet  with  it  all  there  was  a  careful  (almost  a  judicial)  calmnesa 
of  statement  which  was  admirable  throughout. 

"  He  prescTittKl  his  arguments  in  a  m;>nuer  suggesting  the  great  pleader  engaged 
in  a  great  case  before  the  high  court  of  last  resort  of  modern  times  —  the  public  opinion 
of  the  world." 

The  Hon.  Tliomas  J.  Gargan  presented  in  a  few  well-chosen  words  His  Honor 
Mayor  Matthews  as  presiding  officer  of  the  evening. 

SPEECH  OF  MAYOR  MATTHEWS. 

Mayor  Matthews  was  given  a  very  enthusiastic  greeting  as  he  rose  in  response 
to  the  pleasant  introduc^tory  speech.    He  said:  — 

"Ladiks  and  Gentlemkn:  The  people  of  this  city  are,  as  the  size  of  this  great 
audience  hears  witnefjS,  deeply  and  sinc'crely  interested  in  the  home  rule  movement, 
and  tliey  are  in  liearty  sympathy  witli  the  "fforts  of  the  people  of  Ireland  to  secure 
once  more  the  inestimable  benefits  to  be  derived  from  the  exercise  of  self-government, 
denied  to  them  for  so  many  centuries. 

We  on  this  aide  of  the  ocean  recognize  in  this  movement  an  attempt  to  regulate 
the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  according  to  the  federal  idea  of  gov- 
ernment, which  was  first  applied  in  a  large  and  successful  way  to  the  political  institu- 
tions of  the  United  States  of  America. 

We  feel  a  certain  pride  of  authorship  in  the  federal  system  of  government,  and  we 
are  naturally  desirous  of  seeing  that  system  spread  and  its  benefits  extended  to  the 
people  of  other  lands.  Despised,  derided,  and  decried  at  first  by  foreign  statesmen, 
the  experience  of  this  country  has  proved  its  worth,  and  the  present  generation  has 
witnessed  the  adoption  of  the  federal  idea  in  the  great  empire  of  Germany,  in  the 
Dominion  of  Canada,  where  our  honored  guest  to-night  took  his  first  political  lessons, 
— [applause] — and  in  other  parts    '  the  civilized  world. 

As  we  look  dispassionately  without  prejudice  abroad,  I  think  we  cannot  fail 

to  agree  that  there  is  no  country  ii  the  world  more  apt  to  realize  benefit  and  profit 
from  the  adoption  of  the  federal  system  than  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain,  a  part  of 
v/hich  already  is  constituted  upon  this  basis,  and  another  part  of  w^hich  —  and  that  the 
part  we  are  most  concerned  with  to-night  —  is  engaged  in  a  determined,  and  I  believe 
soon  to  be  successful,  struggle  to  realize  the  blessings  of  home  rule.    [Applause.] 

Accustomed  as  we  American  citizens  are  to  a  systematic  .sub-division  of  the  func- 
tions and  powers  of  government,  it  is  almost  inconceivable  to  us  that  intelligent  and 
conscientious  men  anywhere  should  object  to  giving  home  rule  to  Ireland.  If  there  is 
any  form  of  government  that  the  ingenuity  of  man  has  yet  devised  that  seems  to  us 
wholly  unsuited  to  conduct  safely  and  triumphantly  the  march  cf  democratic  progress, 
it  is  that  in  which  all  power,  local  as  well  as  general,  is  centralized  and  concentrated 
in  a  single  legislative  body  like  tlte  English  Parliament,  which  has  no  real  executive 
behind  it  to  prevent  by  veto  the  enactment  of  hasty  legislation,  which  is  hampered  by 
none  of  the  checks  and  balances  provided  by  a  written  constitution,  and  whicn  is  thus 
practically  the  sovereign  arbiter  of  all  the  details  of  public  business  in  every  section, 
county,  town,  and  city  in  the  land.     [Applause.] 

We  and  all  in  this  country,  1  think,  favor  home  rule  for  ourselves  and  for  the  people 
of  Ireland,  for  England  and  for  Canada;  and  we  are  always  ready  to  do  honor  to  the  men 
who  have  distinguished  themselvs  in  that  cause. 

But  there  is  another  reason,  gentlemen,  to  which  I  beg  to  call  youi"  special  attention, 
why  we  should  be  ready  to  do  honor  to  that  particular  statesman  who  visits  us  to-night. 

The  methods  by  which  the  home  rule  movement  has  been  promoted  have  been  changed 
in  recent  years.  Under  the  leadership  of  this  gentleman  and  his  colleagues  that  move- 
ment is  being  carried  out  now  solely  upon  constitutional  lines  and  by  parliamentary 
methods. 

The  will  of  the  majority  [applause]  in  respect  to  party  leadership  and  party  tactics  is 
recognized  and  obeyed,  as  it  should  be  [applause]  ;  and  while  the  ultimate  end,  the  restor- 
ation of  self-government  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  is  never  lost  sight  of,  these  gentlemen 
believe  it  to  be  their  patriotic  duty  to  take  also  into  account  existmg  conditions,  political 
contingencies  and  all  considerations  of  a  practical  nature,     [Applause.] 

In  other  words,  the  agitation  for  home  rule  is  now  bemg  carried  on  as  a  matter  of 
practical  politics  in  a  practical,  constitutional,  democratic,  American  way.  [Applause.] 
And  let  me  tell  you,  my  friends,  speaking  as  an  outsider,  that  is  one  reason  why  the  people 
of  this  country  are  more  generally  in  favor  of  home  rule  for  Ireland  now  than  formerly. 
[Applause.] 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  Irish  people  have  home  rule  within  their  grasp  to-day.  They 
have  only  to  keep  their  courage  up,  to  practise  the  patriotic  virtue  of  patience,  to  act 
together,  and  to  follow  the  wise  counsels  of  their  present  leaders.     [Applause.] 

We  met  in  this  hall  something  over  a  year  ago,  to  bid  God-speed  to  our  guest  of  this 
evening  in  his  mission  to  assist  in  framing  and  in  passing  through  the  House  of  Commons, 
if  he  should  be  sleeted  to  that  body,  a  practical  and  sufficient  measure  of  home  rule 
for  Ireland.  . 

We  meet  to-night  to  congratulate  him  upon  his  personal  and  party  success  in  the  House 
of  Commons.     [Apilause.] 


ON    IRELAND  S    CAUSE 


3 


that  the 

3  general 
calmness 

engaged 
ic  opinion 

iis  Honor 


response 

this  great 
lovement, 
to  secure 
.rernment, 

9  regulate 
ea  of  gov- 
al  institu- 

it,  and  we 
led  to  the 
tatesmen, 
ration  has 
ny,  in  the 
il  lessons, 

annot  fail 
and  profit 
,  a  part  of 
id  that  the 
1 1  believe 
mse.] 

l  the  func- 

ligent  and 

If  there  is 

lems  to  us 

progress, 

icentrated 

ixecutive 

pered  by 

1  is  thus 

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le  people 
the  men 

attention, 
|-nieht. 
In  cnaiiged 
lliat  move- 
]iamentai-y 

tactics  is 
restor- 
jentlemen 
|s,  political 

matter  of 

Lpplause.] 

Ithe  people 

\  formerly . 

lay.    They 
Ice,  to  act 

lest  of  this 
!)ommon8, 
lome  rule 

Ithe  House 


We  meet  to  listen  to  such  explanations,  as  he  nriy  find  time  miil  si'c  fit  to  give  us,  of 
recent  history  of  the  h.jme  rule  movement,  and  of  the  prosL-ut  pilioy  of  its  lenders-,  and 
wo  meet  *o  extend  to  him  again,  both  in  his  own  person  (wliicii  we  liavc  learned  to  iionor 
and  respect)  and  on  acconnt  of  the  cause  he  represents,  the  sympathy  and  support  of  the 
people  of  Boston,     [Applause.] 

I  now  have  the  great  honor,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  present  to  yon  Hon.  Edward 
Blake,  member  of  Parliimont  for  r^onglord. 

Mr.  Blake  on  rising  was  greeted  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  delivercid  the 
following 

ADDRESS. 

Mr.  Mayor,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  —  I  must  renew  the  ex- 
pression of  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  very  kind  and  complimentary 
invitation  extended  to  me  to  revisit  Boston,  and  to  speak  upon  the 
present  phase  of  the  Home  Rule  question.  When  I  addressed  you 
more  than  a  year  ago,  I  endeavored  to  discu.ss  the  general  principles 
which  should  obtain  in  the  framing  of  a  measure  of  Home  Rule  for 
Ireland,  and  entered  at  some  length  into  the  conditions  of  tlie  past, 
the  circumstances  of  the  present,  and  the  demands  of  the  future  ; 
and  I  endeavor*id  to  state  what,  in  my  opinion,  should  be  the  aims 
and  policy  of  Irish  Nationalists.  I  am  glad  now  to  come  before  you, 
with  the  conviction  that  the  forecast  upon  which  I  ventured  has 
been  substantially  realized,  and  that  the  hopes  of  that  day  have 
advanced  a  long  way  towards  ;:heir  fulfilment.  I  shall,  to-night, 
engage  as  little  as  may  be  in  remote  i-etrospect,  or  in  historical 
recital  of  tlie  lamentable  past.  It  will  be  difficult  enough  to  find 
time  to  deal  with  the  great  issues  of  tlie  day. 

Effective  Conferences  with  Irish  Parliamentary  Party. 

Shortly  after  I  left  you,  those  conferences,  the  expediency  of 
which  I  had  suggested,  between  certain  members  of  the  Irish 
Parliamentary  party  and  one  of  the  ministers  mainly  responsible  for 
the  Irish  policy,  began,  and  they  continued  for  some  months.  In  the 
result  a  great  measure  of  constitutional  freedom,  not  indeed  in 
every  minor  detail  exactly  such  as  some  of  us  might  have  wished, 
but  the  best  practicable,  and,  after  all,  substantially  satisfying  the 
Irish  demand,  and  unquestionably  constituting  an  improvement  in 
the  bill  of  '86,  was  introduced  into  tlie  House  of  Commons. 

The  Fight  on  the  Bill. 

The  bulk  of  those  opposed  to  us  declared  that  the  Liberals  and 
Nationalists  would  never  hold  together ;  that  the  alliance  would 
break  up,  and  the  bill  so  fail.  There  were  those  opposed  to  us  who 
declared  that,  even  did  we  hold  together,  yet  the  bill  would  never 
pass  that  House.  And  it  soon  became  apparent  that  a  struggle  of 
unexampled  severity  and  obstinancy  was  to  take  place.  For  many 
months  the  bill  was  fought  even  on  the  smallest  and  minutest 
details,  and  many  hundreds  of  amendments  were  tabled,  and  many 
hundreds  of  speeches  were  delivered.  It  was  known  that  much 
important  and  some  absolutely  essential  business  was  also  to  come 
before  Parliament ;  and  it  wavS  hoped  that  the  necessities  of  public 


ADDRKSS    Ol<    HON.    KHNVAKD    I'.LAKK,  M.  T., 


affairs  would  ensure  the  abandonment  of  the  Home  Rule  measure. 
But,  splendidly  led  by  Mr.  Gladstone,  and  ably  officered  by  those 
under  his  command,  the  nllied  hosts  of  Liberals  and  Nationalists 
pressed  forward  in  firm  and  unbroken  array;  and,  though  obliged  in 
the  end  to  overcome  ol,)struction  by  means  which  were  thought 
somewhat  drastic,  we  cairied  our  measure  through  the  popular 
House.  This  was  a  great  and  even  a  decisive  stej) ;  for  no  first 
class  measui-e  which  has  gone  so  far  has  in  the  end  failed  of  being 
inscribed  on  the  statute  book. 

Home  Rule  carried,  but  not  yet  Law. 

But  it  has  not  yet  become  law.  The  House  of  Loids,  after  three 
days'  debate,  rejected  by  a  majoiity  of  about  9  to  1  the  measure  on 
which  the  Commons  had  spent  many  months,  and  this  partly  on  the 
ground  of  inadequate  consideration  there.  That  step  was  not 
unexpected,  and  it  occasioned  no  dismay.  But  I  understand  that, 
not  unnaturally,  there  exists  in  some  quartei's  over  here  an  appre- 
hension that  this  attitude  of  the  House  of  Lords  may  prove  a  per- 
manent barrier  to  the  consununation  of  Home  Rule.  Do  not  be 
afraid,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  that  an  irresi)onsible  and  non- 
representative  assembly,  of  whom  the  vast  majority  hold  their  legis- 
lative power  from  no  higher  title  than  this  —  that  they  are  the  sons 
of  their  fathers  —  can  for  any  considerable  time  obstruct  the  will  of 
the  nation.  Even  when  their  power  was  much  greater  and  that  of 
the  people  much  smaller  they  could  not  do  so.  Still  less  can  they 
now.  In  the  opinion  of  the  great  majority  of  Liberals  and  Radicals 
they  have  already  stepped  be5'ond  their  constitutional  rights  in 
declining  to  bow  to  the  voicv3  of  the  nation  as  expressed  at  the  last 
general  election. 

Home  Rule  and  the  Lords. 

But  the  wisest  of  themselves  do  not  pretend  that  they  will  have 
any  rght  to  disregard  that  voice  when  it  shall  be  raised  again.  Let 
me  prove  this  statement  by  a  single  quotation.  The  Duke  of 
Devonshire,  who  was  subsequently  chosen  to  move  the  rejection  of 
the  bill,  used  these  words  last  summer :  — 

"  The  House  of  Loids  Ijhow  very  well  the  limits  of  their  power.  All  that 
the  House  of  Lords  can  do  m  this  qiustion  is  to  he  the  instrument  by  which 
the  stronger  forces  will  have  full  play  and  full  effect.  All  that  the  House  of 
TiOrds  claims  or  will  claim  to  do,  is  to  enable  the  i)cople  of  this  country 
to  express  themselves  a  final  judgment  upon  this  bill  vvlien  it  has  assumed 
a  complete  shape  and  not  tlie  vague  and  ind(  finite  form  in  which  this  policy 
has  hitherto  been  veiled." 

Depend  upon  it,  gentlemen,  that  the  issue  of  Home  Rule  will  be 
determined  by  the  verdict  of  the  people  at  a  general  election,  and 
that  a  verdict  favorable  to  our  cause  will  be  turned  into  a  law. 
The  Lords  know  this  well ;  and  therefore  we  have  to  light  them  in 
the  desi)erate  effort  they  are  making  to  carry  the  next  election. 

Hut  you  ma^y  ask  :   Why  is  not  the  bill  to  be  introduced  again 


icasuve. 
ly  those 
ionalist.s 
•liged  ill 
thought 
popuhir 
110  tirst 
A  being 


ter  throe 
isure  on 
V  on  the 
was    not 
,nd  that, 
n  appre- 
re  a  per- 
0  not  be 
md  non- 
leir  legis- 
tl^e  sons 
le  will  of 
i  that  of 
can  they 
Radicals 
isjlits    in 
the  last 


vill  have 
lin.  Let 
Duke  of 
lection  of 

All  that 

by  which 

House  of 

Is   country 

Is  assumed 

Lias  policy 

le  will  be 
[tion,  and 
a  law. 
thoni  in 
lion, 
led  again 


ON  Ireland's  cause. 


6 


in  this  Parliament  and  before  an  election  ?  It  is  not  to  be 
introduced  again  because  we  know  that  the  House  of  Lords  would 
reject  it  again  in  this  Parliament  on  tiie  ground  just  mentioned,  and 
that  the  time  spent  in  its  redisuussion  in  the  Commons  would  be 
time  worse  than  wasted. 

Why  the  Bill  will    not  come  up  again    in   Parliament  before  Election. 

It  is  quite  true  that  the  Tories  and  Liberal-Unionists  hoped  and 
believed  that  we  Nationalists  would  insist  upon  this  re-introduction. 
Theii  desire  was  that  the  Government  should  be  forced  by  us  to 
discuss  nothing  but  Home  Rule.  They  believed  that  our  necessities, 
political  and  pecuniary,  would  constrain  us  to  demand  this  course, 
and  they  rightly  thought  that  from  it  they  would  derive  mucli  polit- 
ical gain.  Listen  to  what  Lord  Randolph  Churchill,  one  of  their 
active  leaders,  said  last  summer :  — 

"  The  Opposition  is  a  large  Opposition.  It  is  the  largest  since  the  days  when 
the  party  of  Pitt  overcame  that  of  Fox.  The  Opposition  is  a  powerful  one 
and  has  resolved  to  give  Gladstone  no  quarter,  no  breathing  time,  not  a 
moment  in  which  he  can  design  matters  so  as  to  play  his  tricks  off  on  the 
House  of  Commons.  What  next  will  happen?  The  Home  Rule  Bill  will  be 
thrown  out  by  the  House  of  Lords  by  an  enormous  majority,  and  Mr.  Glad- 
stone will  have  all  his  wicked  work  to  do  over  again.  We  have  heard  his 
boast  and  his  threat  that  he  will  carry  his  bill  through  an  autumn  session. 
We  take  do  account  of  this  threat.  The  forces  which  are  gathered  togethei 
against  him  are  absolutely  irrepressible.  They  are  not  only  the  forces  of  men, 
they  are  tlie  forces  of  time.  To  save  the  Union  there  is  nothing  in  legitimate 
action  to  which  the  Opposition  will  not  resort.  He  may  have  an  autumn  ses- 
sion if  he  likes.  Xobody  cares  whether  he  has  an  autumn  session  or  whether 
he  has  not.  There  are  only  eight  or  ten  weeks  in  which  that  distinguished 
man  can  accomplish  anything,  and  we'll  take  care  that  he  accomplishes  noth- 
ing. He  must  re-introduce  his  Home  Rule  Bill  next  year,  if  he  does  not  re- 
introduce it  this  year.  I  will  tell  you  why.  The  Irish  party  will  compel  him 
to  do  so.  The  fact  of  the  matter  is  the  strain  upon  their  pecuniary  resources, 
the  tremendous  strain  on  their  private  business  in  Ireland,  the  strain  on 
their  physical  strength  and  mental  energy  and  patience  will  be  too  great. 
They  will  compel  Mr.  Gladstone  to  do  their  will,  as  they  have  done  before. 
Mr.  Gladstone  is  absolutely  in  the  power  and  under  the  control  of  Mr.  Sexton. 
He  will  be  driven  like  any  galley  slave  and  will  be  compelled  to  place  his 
Home  Rule  Bill  before  the  House  of  Commons  again.  The  House  of  Lords 
will  throw  out  his  bill  again  by  a  majority  equal  or  greater  than  their  former 
majority,  and,  in  the  face  of  dissolution,  pol'Lical  ruin  will  await  him.  Now, 
we  of  the  Opposition  are  determined  to  force  the  question,  to  keep  a  clear 
issue  before  the  country.  He  shall  not  cheat  and  deceive  tiie  country  as  he 
did  at  the  last  election.  The  issue  between  the  parties  shall  be  Union  or 
Separation,  and  nothing  else." 

Well,  it  is  quite  true  that  the  strain  upon  the  Irish  members  has 
been,  is,  and  will  be  of  the  very  severest  character;  and  that  the 
strain  upon  the  patience  of  the  Irish  people  has  been,  is,  and  will  be 
great.  But  it  is  not  at  this  crisis  of  our  fate  that  either  the  Irish 
members  or  the  Irish  people,  within  or  beyond  the  shores  of  Ireland, 
are  going  to  prove  unequal  to  their  high  duty.  You  and  we  are,  I 
believe,  determined  to  stand  that  strain. 


6 


ADDRESS   OF   HON.    EDWARD   n.AKE,    M.  P., 


And  you  liavo  already  seen  Lord  Randolph  Churchill's  boasts 
belied  by  events,  ant)  fjreat  progress  made  by  our  allies  in  several  of 
their  large  measures,  though  obstruction  threatened  sometimes  to 
prevail. 

Reasons  against  Immediate  Dissolution  of  Parliament. 

But  you  may  say :  If  it  is  useless  to  introduce  the  Home  Rule 
bill  in  this  Parliament,  why  not  disf-olve  at  once  ?  Well,  gentlemen, 
there  is  an  old  proveib  that  "  It  is  useful  to  learn  from  the  enemy." 
What  the  enemy  want  is  an  immediate  dissolution.  I  do  not  think 
that  it  is  a  very  good  reason  why  we  should  give  it.  They  want 
it  because  they  think  it  will  be  to  their  advantage,  and  I  agree  with 
them.  Therefore  I  am  indisposed  to  give  it.  Why  would  it  be 
to  their  advantage  ?  For  this  obvious  reason  :  At  the  last  election 
the  Liberals  and  Radicals,  true  to  their  pledges  made  nearly  eight 
years  ago,  made  Heme  Rule  the  very  front  plank  in  theiv  platform, 
and  they  have  kept  it  there  ever  since.  If  Home  Rule  is  not  law, 
it  is  not  their  fault.  But  they  did  not  make  it  the  only  plank  in 
their  platform.  They  added  important,  popular,  and  democratic 
proposals  which  are  pressing  for  solution.  They  have  obtained  a 
majority.  They  have  kept  their  pledges  to  Irish  Nationalists  so  far, 
and  they  intend  to  keep  them  to  the  end ;  and  they  invite  Irish 
Nationalists  to  enable  them  to  use  the  majority  so  obtained  to  press 
forward,  during  this  year,  those  other  Liberal  and  Radical  and 
Democratic  measures  which  they  promised  the  people  in  case  they 
obtained  power.  If  we  refused ;  if  we  declined  to  reciprocate 
sacrifice  for  sacrifice,  to  give  help  for  help ;  if  we  showed  ourselves 
unconcerned  for  the  interests  aiid  wishes  of  the  allies  upon  whose 
good-will  and  strength  we  depend  for  our  ultimate  success,  what 
right  would  we  have  to  expect  to  triumph?  But  with' even  still 
greater  force  I  may  ask,  if  we  sent  the  Government  back  to  the 
polls  withou.  having  made  even  an  effort  to  carry  through  the 
House  of  Commons  the  measures  which  they  promised,  what  right 
would  we  have  to  expect  a  majority  next  time  ? 

Tlie  Objects  of  Some  Delay. 

It  is  not  to  an  American  audience,  versed  in  popular  elections  and 
the  play  of  parties,  that  I  need  enlarge  upon  this  topic.  You  all 
apprehend  the  situation.  The  truth  is  that  with  that  prescience 
which  distinguished  him,  as  long  ago  as  1881,  more  than  five  years 
before  the  formation  of  the  happy  alliance  between  the  Irish  Nation- 
alists and  the  Liberals,  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  pointed  out  one  road 
to  victory,  when  he  used,  in  a  letter  to  the  Irish  National  League, 
these  words :  —  -      ./,■■■ 

"  The  second  and  only  olher  alternative  appeared  to  be  that  we  Should 
steadfastly  labor  on,  deepening  the  lines  and  widening  the  area  of  our  agita- 
tion, appealing  to  the  masses  of  the  population  of  England  and  Scotland, 
who  are  much  less  represented  in  the  House  of  Commons  than  are  the  masses 
of  Irtland;  appealing,  I  aay,  against  territorialism  and  shop-ocracy,  which 


ON   IRELAND  S   CAUSE. 


boasts 
3ral  of 
nies  to 


e  Rule 
:lemen, 
nemy." 
t  think 
ly  want 
ee  with 
1  it   be 
glection 
ly  eight 
latform, 
ot  law, 
lank  in 
nocratic 
;ained  a 
s  so  far, 
te    Irish 
to  press 
ical  and 
ise  they 
siprocate 
urselves 
n  whose 
5s,  what 

en  still 
to  the 
ugh  the 

at  right 


ions  and 
You  all 
escience 
ve  years 
Nation- 
lone  road 
League, 

ve  should 

)ur  agita- 

Scolland, 

■le  masses 

r 


(lominalo  I'arliat  nt,  to  llie  workiiiffmen  and  farm  laborers  of  Britain,  who 
clearl_y  h-.ive  no  luiertisl  in  the  nii-governint'nt  and  perseeutiou  in  Ireland, 
.  .  .  Tlie  second  alternative  presents  to  us  many  elements  of  solid  and  ulti- 
mate success.  As  1  have  said,  Parliament  is  at  present  governed  by  the 
landlords,  manufacturers,  and  shopkeepers  of  Great  Britain.  At  election 
times  tlie  springs  are  set  in  motion  by  the  wire-pullers  of  the  two  political 
parties,  and  the  mass  of  the  electors  are  driven  to  the  polling  booths  to 
register  the  decree  of  some  caucus,  with  place  and  power,  and  not  the  good 
of  the  people,  as  its  object.  Public  opinion  in  England  is  also  deliberately 
and  systematically  perverted  with  regard  to  Ireland,  but  a  vigorous  agitation 
in  Englan'l  and  .Scotland  would  change  all  this.  The  glad  approach  of  house- 
hold sullrage,  a  practical  certainty  before  the  next  ge  1  election,  wi.l  sound 
the  doom  ot  the  English  land  system,  whde  the  siu  )f  the  workingnien's 

or  agricultural  laborer  candidate  in  every  British  .-ttiiuency  would  soon 
bring  House  of  Commons  radicalism  to  its  senses.  I'he  juncture  between 
the  English  democracy  and  Irish  nationalism  upon  the  basis  of  the  res- 
toration to  Ireland  of  the  right  to  make  Irish  laws,  the  overthrow  of  territo- 
rialism  in  both  countries,  and  the  enfranchisement  of  labor  from  crushing 
taxes  for  the  maintenance  of  standing  armies  and  navies,  would  prove  irre- 
sistible, would  ternunate  the  strife  of  centuries,  and  secure  lasting  friendship 
bised  on  mutual  iutertst  and  confidence  between  the  two  nations." 

The  Fruit  of  Parnell's  Labors. 

The  suffrage  has  been  widened  as  Mr.  Parnell  predicted.  The^ 
masses  of  the  population  in  Britain  have  obtained  a  much  greater 
share  of  electoral  power.  Those  masses  have  been  to  a  great  degree 
enlightened  upon  the  Irish  question.  But  more,  much  more  than. 
Mr.  Parnell  hoped,  he  accomplished.  He  made  an  alliance  not  only 
with  the  Radicals  but  with  the  Liberals,  and  a  combined  organizar- 
tion,  far  more  powerful  than  he  indicated,  was  achieved  when  he 
came  to  terms  of  honorable  settlement  with  Mr.  Gladstone.  The 
cause  has  advanced  far  faster  tlian  it  could  otherwise  have  moved,, 
and  we  must  observe  in  the  future  the  conditions  of  our  successes 
in  the  past.  My  quotation  shows  you  that  Parnell  contemplated  an 
alliance  based  on  the  redress  of  popular  grievances  in  Britain  as  well 
as  in  Ireland. 

The  alliance  between  the  British  and  Irish  democracies  has  shown, 
itself  in  the  House  of  Communs,  where  even  during  the  discussions 
on  this  very  Home  Rule  bill,  when  we  were  once  or  twice  con- 
strained, as  a  protest  against  some  well-meant  but  ill-judged  conces- 
sions, to  vote  in  opposition  to  some  amendments  of  the  Government, 
we  Irish  Nationalit  found  ourselves  backed  by  the  flower  of  the 
English  Radical  party  in  numbers  even  greater  than  our  own. 
With  the  British  democracy  we  never  had,  at  a,uy  rate  we  have  not 
now,  any  quarrel.  Its  mind  being  informed,  its  heart  being  moved, 
its  conscience  being  touched,  it  has  conceded  the  justice  of  our 
claims,  and  is  determined  to  sustain  them.  And  we,  on  the  other 
hand,  looking  to  the  claims  of  natural  equity,  to  the  claims  of 
friendship,  to  the  character  and  the  directly  beneficial  results  to  our- 
selves of  the  reforms  proposed  in  the  interest  of  the  BHtish  democ- 
racy, must  heartily  second  the  efforts  to  pass  them  into  law.     Thus 


8 


ADDRESS   OF   HON.    EDWARD   BLAKE,   M.  P. 


!    I 


shall  we,  instead  of  weakening  or  breaking,  solidify  and  cement  the 
alliance  upon  whicli  we  rely,  and  strengthen  the  forces  by  whose  aid 
we  are  to  win.  What  is  the  nature  of  these  reforms?  Broadly 
speaking,  they  divide  themselves  into  two  classes ;  one,  connected 
with  the  making  of  the  legislature,  a  matter  in  which  Ireland  is 
deeply  concerned  —  for  example,  an  improved  register  under  which 
the  masses  may  have  in  reality  the  opportunity  of  voting ;  equality 
in  the  political  rights  of  all  capable  citizens  b}'  the  limitation  of  one 
vote  to  one  man ;  simultaneous  polling  throughout  the  kingdom  ; 
the  payment  by  the  public  of  the  public  expenses  of  election,  now 
largely  borne  by  the  candidates,  and  so  conferring  an  advantag'e  on 
the  rich  and  inflicting  a  disability  upon  the  poor;  the  payment  of 
indemnity  to  members,  thus  rendering  it  possible  for  workingmen  to 
send  those  of  their  own  class  to  represent  their  views ;  the  shorten- 
ing of  Parliaments,  so  as  to  give  more  frequent  opportunities  to  the 
people  to  express  their  will  by  the  choice  of  representatives ;  and  if 
need  be,  as  1  dare  say  need  there  may  be,  some  reform  which  shall 
limit  the  power  of  obstruction  of  the  House  of  Lords.  What 
American  is  there,  what  Iiishman  is  there,  who  does  not  sympathize 
with  such  a  programme,  who  does  not  see  that  these  are  stei)s,  each 
one  of  which  helps  on  the  cause  of  popular  government  and  gives 
Home  Rule  a  better  chance  at  the  next  election?  Then  as  to 
measures  of  specilic  reform.  I  do  not  go  over  the  roll  including 
several  labor  measures  directly  affecting  Ireland;  but  I  point  out  to 
you  that  many  of  them  embrace  and  emphasize  the  sacred  principle 
of  Home  Rule.  Tiie  Parish  Councils  Bill,  now  being  fought,  gives 
Home  Rule  to  the  village  ;  the  proposed  disestablishment  of  the 
churches  in  Wales  and  Scotland  is  based  expressly  upon  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  right  of  each  of  these  great  divisions  of  Britain  to  a 
competent  voice  in  determining  the  character  of  its  own  institutions  • 
in  a  word,  upon  the  principle  of   Home  Rule.     And  so    I    mighi 


go  on. 


Do  you  suppose  that  a  campaign  of  this  description  can  be  other- 
wise than  most  valuable  and  -important  in  widening  and  deepening 
the  convictions  of  the  British  public  in  favor  of  Home  Rule  for 
Ireland?  Do  you  think  if  we  were  to  thwart  the  British  democracy 
in  their  effort  to  attain  these  reforms,  we  should  have,  or  even 
deserve,  their  help  in  bringing  about  Home  Rule  for  Ireland?  No. 
Home  Rule  is  to  be  settled  at  the  polls;  and  we  are  doiiig  what  we 
can  to  get  strength  at  those  polls.  We  are  determined  then,  on  all 
grounds,  to  give  an  earnest  helping  hanfl  to  the  Biitish  democracy 
which  has  come  to  our  relief,  and,  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  to  secure  to 
them  for  this  year,  progress  in  the  popular  measu/es  which  they 
have  at  heart,  knowing  that,  in  so  doing,  we  shall  more  effectively 
than  by  any  other  means  advance  the  cause  which  we  have  most  at 
heart  —  the  passing  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill. 

But  what  is  this  Home  Rule  Bill? 


I 


ON  Ireland's  cause. 


9 


nent  the 
'hose  aid 

Broadly 
Dimected 
•eland  is 
3r  which 

equality 
n  of  one 
:ingdom  ; 
;ion,  now 
ntao-e  on 

LJ 

^ment  of 
ignien  to 

shoiten- 
es  to  the 
3 ;  and  if 
lich  shall 
i.  What 
'mpathize 
:eps,  each 
ind  gives 
en  as  to 
including 
nt  out  to 

principle 
^ht,  gives 
it  of  the 
B  recogni- 

;ain  to  a 

titutions  • 

I    mighi 

be  other- 

ieepeuing 

Rule  for 

leniocracy 

or  even 
nd?     No. 

what  we 
len,  on  all 
leniocracy 
secure  to 
lich  they 
iffectively 
e  most  at 


The  Present  Home  Rule  Bill. 

Let  me  bring  once  more  before  you  as  briefly  as  T  can  tlie  leading 
principles  and  features  of  that  great  measure  as  it  is  now  presented, 
&o  that  you  may  judge  whether  we  are  right  in  our  acceptance.  It 
is  based  upon  the  principle  that  for  a  certain  limited  number  of 
large  objects  there  is  rational  ground  for  a  union  between  Great 
Biitain  and  Ireland.  That  proposition  has  been  affirmed  by  a  long 
line  of  the  most  distinguished  Irish  patriots  who  have  led  in  the 
popular  cause ;  and  it  is  now  proposed  to  consecrate  such  a  limited 
and  rational  union  by  the  free  consent  of  both  peoples. 

Basis  of  a  Free,  Limited,  and  Rational  Union. 

For  what  purjjoses  then  are  the  two  kingdoms  to  remain  united, 
working  under  one  head  and  one  Parliament?  For  objects  con- 
nected with  the  Crown  and  its  succession  ;  for  relations  with  foreign 
l)owers  ;  for  purposes  of  offence  and  defence,  includuig  military 
and  naval  armaments ;  for  questions  of  colonial  and  other  depend- 
encies ;  for  subjects  of  common  and  external  trade,  including  duties 
of  customs  and  excise ;  for  taxation  necessary  to  carry  out  these 
common  objects;  and  for  certain  other  analogous  but  minor  matters. 
You  in  the  States,  as  we  in  Canada,  can  understand  a  union  for 
purposes  like  these ;  and  you  as  well  as  we  know  that  such  a  union 
may  be  highly  beneiicial  to  all  parties,  and  is  entirely  compatible 
i  with  Home  Rule,  as  existent  in  your  country  in  the  different  States, 
and  in  ours  in  the  different  Provinces. 

The  bill  proposes  that  the  common  concerns  should  be  managed  in 
a  common  Parliament;  and  in  that  common  Parliament  Ireland  is  to 
be,  as  she  ought  to  be,  represented  in  proportion  to  her  numbers. 
A  question  arises  with  regard  to  which  I  shall  not  trouble  you  in 
detail,  as  to  the  voting  powers  of  that  representation.  Enough  to 
say  that  Iicland  claims  no  more  than  she  should  have  — the  right  to 
speak  and  vote  in  matters  in  which  she  is  concerned,  and  does  not 
herself  ask  for  any  power  to  interfere  in  purely  British  concerns. 

The  Irish  Legislature. 

So  much  for  the  Union.  But  what  of  our  great  question.  Home 
Rule  ?  This  —  that  an  Iiish  Legislature  is  to  be  established,  and 
an  Irish  executive  set  up,  responsible  to  that  Legislature ;  that  this 
Irish  Legislature  is  to  have  control  over  all  exclusively  Irish  affairs, 
including  the  land,  education,  police,  juuiciary,  the  administration  of 
justice,  property  and  civil  rights,  municipal  institutions,  local  devel- 
opment, the  thousand  things  which  affect  the  daily  life  of  the  peoj)le. 
Not  merely  is  Ireland  to  make  her  own  laws  on  these  vital  subjects, 
but  she  is  also  to  administer  those  laws. 

Postponemeiits. 

It  is  said,  indeed,  that  there  are  restrictions  and  postponements. 
There  are.     As  to  the  postponements  I  regard  them  lightly.     They 


10 


ADDRESS    OF    HON.    EDWAUD    BLAKE,    M.  P., 


\      i 


I       ! 


I       I 
t 


are  not  unirapovtant ;  but  no  sensible  man  would  seriously  suggest 
throwing  away  the  bill  which  gives  so  much  at  once,  only  because  it 
delays  for  a  brief  space  the  actual  fruition  of  some  part,  which 
fruition,  however,  it  secures  in  the  near  future.  For  example,  the 
land  question  cannot  be  dealt  with  by  the  Irish  Legislature  for  thiee 
years.  The  transformation  of  the  police  is  to  occupy  six  years  ;  and 
so  on.  I  will  only  say  that,  though  there  are  some  difficulties,  there 
are  also  some  compensations  connected  with  these  provisions. 

Restrictions. 

What  of  the  permanent  restrictions  ?  The  main  subjects  are  in 
principle  unobjectionable.  It  is  provided  that  no  law  shall  be  made 
for  the  establishment  or  endowment  of  any  religion,  and  that  no  man 
shall  be  by  law  prejudiced  or  preferred  in  consequence  of  religion  : 
that  every  child  shall  be  entitled  to  attend  any  school  for  which 
public  money  is  paid,  without  attending  the  religious  instruction  at 
such  school;  and  that  no  man  shall  be  deprived  of  Iiis  property  with- 
out just  compensation,  and  so  on.  You  here  are  familiar  with  such 
restrictions.  They  are,  in  truth,  only  the  record  of  what  are  re- 
garded on  this  continent  as  fundamental  principles  of  real  freedom  ; 
for  real  freedom  does  not  involve  the  power  of  a  majority  to  injure 
or  oppress  a  minoiity,  or  to  take  away  its  rights.  And  we  here,  on 
both  sides  of  the  line,  believe  that  religion  is  a  concern  between  man 
and  his  Maker,  and  that  the  less  the  State  has  to  do  with  the 
Church,  the  better  for  Church  and  State  alike. 

Other  Securities. 

Provisions  there  are,  in  accordance  with  the  forms  of  the  British 
Constitution,  not  to  be  overcome  without  a  revolution,  under  which, 
in  case  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Irish  Constitution  is 
attempted,  the  Imperial  Executive,  under  its  responsibility  to  the 
Impeiial  Parliament,  can  instruct  tlie  Viceroy  not  to  give  his  assent 
to  such  a  bill.  This  is  a  security  to  the  fancies  and  fears  and 
frenzies  of  the  minority ;  and  the  Irish  people  do  not  ol)ject  to  it 
any  more  than  did  Mr.  Parnell,  who  expressly  agreed  to  it.  We  do 
not  object,  because  our  intention  is  to  observe  in  good  faith  the 
spirit  and  principle  of  our  great  charter,  and  we  know  that  while 
we  puisue  that  course  the  sword  will  remain  undrawn.  So,  again, 
the  Imperial  Parliament  retains  that  of  which  indeed  it  cannot 
divest  itself,  its  power  to  pass  laws  about  Ireland  ;  but  that  power 
once  again,  it  is  fidly  understood,  is  to  be  exercised  only  in  case  the 
spirit  and  principles  of  the  charter  are  grossly  violated. 

In  all  great  constitutional  compacts,  it  is  the  essence  and  spirit 
which  is  vital.  It  is  the  purpose  and  object  of  the  great  com- 
munities concerned  which  will  regulate  the  working  of  the  plan. 
And  since  the  main  purpose  and  objects  of  this  bill  is  to  allow  the 
Iiish  to  govern  themselves,  we  rest  tranquil  and   content   in    the 


) 


ON    IRELAND  S   CAUSE. 


11 


y  suggest 
jecause  it 
it,  which 
niple,  the 
for  thiee 
ears  ;  and 
Jes,  there 

IS. 


)ts  are  in 
.  be  made 
it  no  man 

religion  : 
for  which 

uction  at 
erty  with- 
with  sueli 
at  are  le- 

freedom  ; 

to  injure 
e  here,  on 
wP:in  man 

with    the 


le  British 
er  which, 
tution  is 
ty  to  the 
lis  assent 
ears  and 
)ject  to  it 
We  do 
faith  tlie 
hat  while 
So,  again, 
it  cannot 
lat  power 
II  case  the 

ind  spirit 
eat  com- 
tlie  plan, 
allow  the 
it    in    the 


! 


belief  that  once  the  bill  becomes  law,  that  result  will  follow.     And 
all  our  colonial  experiences  prove  the  trutli  of  this  view. 

Questions  of  Finance. 

One  word  as  to  finance.  We  insisted  that  the  financial  scheme 
was  unjust  to  Irelaud,  in  that  it  called  for  too  great  an  Imperial 
contribution,  having  regard  to  her  tax-paying  power.  A  reasonable 
adjustment  has  been  made.  For  the  comparatively  short  period 
of  six  years  the  share  of  Ireland  towards  Imperial  purposes  is  to  be 
based  upon  the  amount  of  her  present  net  contribution,  as  ascer- 
tained on  the  average  for  the  preceding  three  years,  subject, 
however,  to  a  reduction  in  respect  of  a  proportion  of  the  extra  cost 
of  the  constabulary  during  the  period  of  transformation.  The 
Tories  say  we  are  to  pay  ten  millions  of  dollars  a  year  too  little. 
We  say  we  are  to  pay  too  much.  How  is  tlie  question  to  be 
settled?  A  commission  is  to  be  appointed  within  a  few  months  to 
investigate  the  whole  subject  of  the  financial  relations  between  the 
two  countries,  the  old  adjustments  included,  to  inquire  into  their 
relative  tax-paying  capacity,  to  take  all  evidence,  obtain  all  the 
information,  elicit  all  the  opinions  which  can  be  had,  and  to  report 
to  Parliament.  The  whole  question  being  thus  threshed  out,  the 
more  permanent  adjustment  is  to  be  made  between  the  two  countries 
during  the  six-year  terra,  to  take  effect  at  its  close  ;  and  this  seems 
an  equitable  plan. 

A  Charter  of  Liberty. 

It  is  for  this  great  constitutional  settlement,  which  will,  when 
consummated,  once  again  give  us  the  control  of  our  own  affairs, 
that  we  are  struggling ;  and  I  ask  you  if  I  have  not  sketched  out  a 
charter  of  liberty  deserving  of  grateful  acceptance  by  the  Iri'jh 
people?  This  is  certain,  that  it  is  a  charter  better  and  fuller  than 
that  which  in  1886,  under  Mr.  Parnell's  lead,  the  Irish  people  did 
accept,  and  from  that  acceptance  they  have  no  intention  of  receding. 

The  Land  Question. 

If  there  were  time  I  would  like  to  enter  upon  some  of  the  many 
pressing  Irish  questions,  which,  with  ever  increasing  weight  and 
volume,  call  for  solution,  but  which  are  necessarily,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, to  be  postponed  or  dealt  with  perfunctorily,  pending  tha  settle- 
ment of  the  great  subject  which  includes  them  all.  I  discussed  with 
you  last  year,  to  some  extent,  the  subject  of  the  land,  which,  although 
in  some  aspects  largely  solved,  is  in  other  aspects  becoming  each  year 
more  urgent  still.  The  principle  of  compulsory  sale,  which  I  told 
you  I  thought  essential,  is  rapidly  advancing  in  estimation  ;  an  in- 
quiry is  to  be  made  into  tlie  working  of  the  lands  acts  which  we  claim 
have  not  been  administered  in  their  true  spirit;  some  legislation  on  the 
subject  of  the  evicted  tenants  is  to  be  proposed  in  a  few  weeks;  and 
sooner  or  later  drastic  steps  must  take  place  for  the  relief  of  the  coii- 


12 


ADDRESS   OF   HON,    EDWARD   BLAKE,    T^l.  R., 


pested  districts,  the  position  of  which  is  admitted  even  by  Mr.  T.  W. 
Jiussell  to  be  aijpalling;  the  time  for  the  revision  of  the  judicial  rents 
draws  nigh,  and  our  future  hirgely  depends  on  that  revision  b«.:ng 
made  in  an  equitable  spiiit. 

I  also  last  year  .adverted  to  that  bureaucratic,  anti-popular,  and 
centralized  system  of  government  and  administration  which  prevails 
in  Ireland,  known  as  the  Castle  System. 

Rural  Government,  the  Catholic  Majority,  the  Protestant   Minority. 

Neither  on  the  Land  nor  on  the  Castle  system  will  I  say  a  word 
more  to-night ;  but  I  wish  to  point  out  that,  evea  in  those  matters  in 
which  there  is  now  nominal  control  in  the  Irish  counties  over  ruial 
affairs,  it  is  not  a  popular  control,  but  an  ascendancy  of  the  Protes- 
tant and  landlord  minority  over  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Nationalist 
majority  which  o'  tains.  I  doubt  that  many  Americans,  I  doubt  that 
many  even  Irish-Americans,  long  out  here,  are  fully  alive  to  the 
shameful  facts;  and  it  is  well  that  you  should  learn  them. 

Examples. 

I  take  as  example  five  counties  whose  cases  wei'e  brought  up  in 
the  House  of  Commons  last  session.  The  keystone  of  county  gov- 
ernment is  the  grand  jury,  which  is  nominated  yearly  by  the  sheiiff, 
which  sheriff  is,  in  practice,  suggested  by  the  grand  jury  to  the 
judges,  and  by  them  recommended  to  the  Viceroy.  This  grand 
jury,  thus  in  effect  largely  self-elected,  amongst  other  functions, 
appoints  most  of  tlie  county  officers,  and  distributes  the  local  taxes 
or  county  cess,  amounting,  in  more  than  one  of  the  cases  which  I 
shall  cite,  to  over  -f200,000  a  year. 

Now  take  the  County  of  Donegal.  Its  population  is  185,000,  of 
whom  142,000  are  Roman  Catholics,  almost  entirely  Nationalists, 
and  42,000  Protestants,  mainly  Unionists.  The  grand  jury  are, 
every  man  of  them,  Protestant  and  Unionist,  mostly  landlords  and 
landlords'  agents.  Of  the  sixteen  cess  collectors,  who  are  api)ointed 
by  the  justices,  thirteen  are  Protestants  and  Unionists.  The  two 
county  surveyoi-s,  with  salaries  of  $2,000  and  $2,500  a  yci^r,  the 
secretary  of  the  grand  jury,  the  solicitor  to  the  grand  jury,  the  clerk 
of  the  crown,  the  sub-sheriff,  are  all  Protestants  and  Unionists. 
Poor  Law  Guardians  are  elected  on  a  four-pound  franchise,  with  a 
cumulative  vote,  under  which  the  landlords  are  able  to  overbear  the 
Catholics  and  Home  Rulers,  who  are  thus  placed  in  a  minority  in 
five  of  eight  boards,  of  which  the  vast  majority  are  Protestants 
and  Unionists.  In  Donegal  Union,  for  example,  five  only,  out  of 
twenty  elected  guardians,  are  Catholics  and  Home  Rulere ;  and  the 
officers,  namely,  the  clerk,  the  master,  the  matron,  the  nurse,  the 
teacher,  the  relieving  officer,  the  porter,  the  doctor,  and  the  dispen- 
sary doctors,  are  all  Protestants  and  Unionists.  Of  the  Poor  Law 
collectors,  three  are  Protestants  and  Unionists.  The  county  court 
judge,  the  clerk  of  the  peace,  the  crown  solicitor,  the  registrar,  the 


ON    IK  INLANDS   CAUSE. 


18 


Mr.  T.  W. 

licial  rents 
jiion  being 

pillar,  and 
ch  prevails 


Minority. 

say  a  word 
matters  in 
;  over  ruial 
the  Protes- 
Nationalist 
doubt  that 
live  to  the 


light  up  in 
iounty  gov- 
the  sheriff, 
ury  to  the 
riiis  grand 
functions, 
local  taxes 
les  which  I 

185,000,  of 

ationalists, 

jury   are, 

dlords  and 

appointed 

The  two 

ye.vr,  the 

T,  the  clerk 

Unionists. 

lise,  with  a 

^'eibear  the 

minority  in 

*rotestants 

ly,  out  of 

;  and  the 

nurse,  the 

the  dispen- 

Poor  Law 

unty  court 

^istrar^  the 


I 


icsident  magistrate,  are  all  Protestants  and  Unionists.  Of  the  jus- 
tices of  the  peace,  140  are  Protestants,  and  only  thirty  Catliolics, 
and  of  these  some  have  only  been  lately  named  under  the  existing 
Liberal  Government. 

Thus  you  see  the  whole  County  Government  is  monopolized  by 
the  small  minority.  And  yet  in  this  county,  amongst  the  moni!)ers 
is  one  Protestant  Home  Kuler,  elected  of  course  by  the  Catholic 
Nationalist  majority.  Now  take  the  County  of  Waterford,  with  a 
])opulation  of  97,000,  of  whom  92,000  are  Catholics  and  5,000  are 
Protestants.  Twenty-one  of  the  grand  jury  are  Protestants  and 
Unionists,  two  are  Catholics  and  Unionists.  Tliere  is  not  a  single 
Home  Kuler.  Nearly  all  the  officials  are,  as  in  Donegal,  Protestants 
and  Unionists.  But  the  member  in  the  last  Parliament  was,  and  in 
the  present  Parliament  is,  a  Protestant  Home  Kuler.  Take  tlie 
County  of  Tippeiary,  with  a  population  of  173,000,  of  whom 
102,000  are  Catholics,  and  11,000  Protestants.  The  i)osition  of 
the  grand  jury  and  of  almost  all  the  officers  is  the  same.  For 
example,  look  at  the  Clonmel  Asylum,  the  twenty-one  governors  of 
which  are  composed  of  sixteen  Protestant  and  three  Catholic  Union- 
ists and  only  two  Catholic  Home  Kulers ;  while  of  tlie  inmates,  as 
you  would  expect  from  the  relative  numbers  of  the  sane  population, 
000  are  Catholic  and  30  are  Protestant. 

In  the  County  Kerry,  with  a  population  of  173,000  Catholics  and 
0,000  Protestants,  and  the  County  Sligo,  with  a  population  of  80,000 
Catholics  and  9,000  Protestants,  the  results  are  about  the  same.  As 
a  general  result,  summing  up  the  grand  juries  in  these  five  counties 
with  a  population  of  000,000  Catholics  and  73,000  Protestants,  there 
are  two  Catholic  grand  juroi's  and  114  Protestants. 

I  might  continue  this  examination  at  great  length  and  in  other 
departments,  but  ]  think  I  have  shown  you  enough  to  prove  there 
exists  still  an  ascendancy  which  ought  to  be  put  down,  and  that  the 
minority  in  truth  rules  the  majority  in  Ireland  to-day.  It  is  for  the 
continuance  of  that  rule  that  they  art  struggling. 

Holding  to  Basic  Principles  of  Irish  Party. 

Now,  gentlemen,  let  me  say  a  word  as  to  the  principles  upon  wliich 
we  1  ave  carried  on  and  aie  carrying  on  our  stiuggle,  and  your 
approbation  of  which  we  confidently  expect. 

Unity. 

We  hold  fast  by  that  fundamental  principle  on  which  the  Irish 
Parliamentaiy  paity  was  formed  under  Mr.  Parnell,  by  the  main- 
tenance of  which  it  luus  so  far  succeeded,  and  through  which  alone 
it  can  hope  to  win,  the  principle  of  absolute  unity.  Within  the 
party,  difTerences  of  opinion  must  be  expected ;  men's  minds  will 
vary.  These  differences  must  Ix^  thorougldy  threshed  out  amongst 
ourselves.     The  utmost  freedom  of  discussion  within  our  councils 


u 


ADDRESS   OP    HON.    EDWARD    BLAKE,    M.  P., 


I 


must  exist.  But  a  decision  must,  in  the  end,  be  taken;  and  by 
that  decision  all  who  remain  members  of  the  Irish  Pai'iiamentary 
party  must  abide.  Thus  acting  as  a  unit,  marchinef  and  voting  as 
one  man,  thus,  and  thus  alone,  can  we  exercise  the  force  and  power 
essential  to  success. 

Alli&nce. 

Next,  we  intend  to  maintain,  just  so  long  as  the  Liberal  and 
Radical  oarty  is  faithful  to  its  pledg'^s  to  the  Irish  National  party, 
the  allia  ice  which  Mr.  Parnell  formed  between  those  two  parties 
for  the  ]>urposes,  and  on  the  gesieral  alliance  on  which  he  formed 
it,  as  applied  to  the  conditions  of  to-day.  That  alliance  has  wrought 
great  things.     And  it  will,  we  believe,  achieve  our  final  triumph. 

Independence. 

Next,  we  intend  to  maintain  as  sacred  the  principle  which  Mr. 
Parnell  also  laid  down,  of  the  absolute  independence  of  the  Irish 
party.  We  are  allies  of  the  British  Liberals,  but  we  are  not  British 
Liberals.  We  are  Irish  Nationalists,  and  Irish  Nationalists  only. 
We  act  in  cooperation  with  the  party,  but  do  not  identify  ourselves 
with  it  as  members  of  the  same  party.  The  grounds  and  reasoiis 
of  our  concerted  action  are  open  and  public,  and  the  character  of 
our  alliance  is  Itnown  to  all  men.  We  have,  of  course,  a  large 
voice  in  controlling  +he  legislative  policy  to  be  pursued  towards 
Ireland. 

Nationalists  hold  the  Kty  of  the  Position. 

We  hold  the  key  of  the  position,  but  we  hold  it  for  the  good  of 
our  country  ;  and  our  vision  is  unclouded,  our  action  is  unhampered 
by  any  personal  connection,  any  official  connection,  any  pecuniary 
connection,  any  titular  connection,  with  the  party  in  power.  We 
have  responsibilities ;  but  we  take  nooilfices;  we  receive  no  emolu- 
ments ;  we  accept  no  lionors.  We  are  the  ministers  of  the  people, 
not  the  ministers  of  the  Imperial  Crown.  The  situation  is  abnormal ; 
it  has  its  dis.advantages.  In  some  respects  good  might  be  done,  and 
mistakes  might  be  avoided  were  othei'  conditions  practicable.  But 
the  advantages  to  the  Irish  cause  enormously  overbear  those  in- 
conveniences ;  and  we  hold  fast  by  the  p  inciple  that  the  Irish 
Nationalist  party,  till  the  cause  of  Ireland  be  won,  must  remain 
absolutely  independent,  and   devoted   only  to   the  service   of   the 

Irish  people. 

Service  of  Irish  Members. 

That  service  is  not  a  light  one.     Its  duties  and  responsibilities 

are  great  and  exacting  at  any  time  ;  they  have  been  extraordinarily 

heavy  lately;  and  they  will  so  continue  till  the  close  of  the  struggle. 

Almost    our   whole    time    and    efforts   and  energies    are    devoted 

to  the  public  cause ;  and  you  will  have  observed,  from  the  quotation 

I  gave  from  Lord  Randolph  Churchill,  his  not  unjust  estimate  of 

the  strain,  the  exhausting  strain  upon  us,  and  his  cynical  calculation 

that  we  would  bend  to  that  strain. 


ON    IRELAND  S   CAUSE. 


15 


en ;  and  by 
uiiamentaiy 
id  voting  as 
e  and  power 


Liberal  and 
;ional  part}', 

two  parties 
1  he  formed 
has  wrought 

triumph. 

Q  which  ^[r. 
of  the  Irish 
B  not  British 
nalists  only, 
ify  ourselves 
and  reasons 
character  of 
irse,  a  large 
ued    towards 


•  the  good  of 
unhampered 
ly  pecuniary 
power.  We 
^e  no  emolu- 
the  people, 
is  abnormal ; 
be  done,  and 
icable.  But 
ar  those  in- 
it  the  Irish 
nust  remain 
vice   of   the 


sponsibilities 
traordinaiily 
the  struggle, 
are  devoted 
he  quotation 
estimate  of 
1  calculation 


I 


I 


Encouragements. 

What  sr.pports,  what  encourages,  what  enables  us  to  go  forward? 
First  and  mainly,  of  course,  the  conviction  that  we  are  in  the  right 
path,  in  the  path  of  duty,  and  the  belief  that  the  pursuit  of  that 
path  will  eventuate  in  triumph  fox*  our  country.  Bvit  we  are 
supported  also  by  the  reflection  that  the  Irish  people,  within  and 
witl.out  the  limits  of  Ireland,  have  in  a  wonderful  way  exhibited 
their  political  sagacity,  their  temper,  their  patience,  their  moderation, 
their  firnuiess,  and  their  resolution,  in  recognizing  the  condition  and 
approving  the  policy  I  have  endeavored  to  set  before  you,  and  that 
they  have  stood,  stand  now,  and  intend  to  stand  solidly,  at  our  back. 

The  Irish  Cause  Outside  of  Ireland. 

The  Irisli  cause  has  been  largely  dependent  upon  the  sympathy  of 
the  liberty-loving  peoples  of  the  world,  and  it  hirgely  depends  on 
that  sympathy  to-day.  But  it  has  de})ended  in  a  still  more  special 
and  absolute  sense,  not  merely  upon  the  sympathy,  but  upon  the 
devotion,  the  affection,  the  undying  attachment  which  binds  to  the 
sacred  cause  the  hearts  of  all  Irishmen  all  the  world  over.  And 
nothing  proves  more  clearly  our  clear  title  to  that  measure  of  self- 
government  we  claim,  than  the  continued  existence  of  that  deep 
attachment  and  determined  effort  on  the  part  of  those  who  can  claim 
to  belong  to  the  Irish  race,  wherever  their  lot  may  be  cast,  or  in 
whatever  land  they  may  have  been  born. 

Old  Remittances. 

In  days  gone  by  the  Irish  abroad  sent  millions  upon  millions  of 
their  hard  earnings  back  to  Ireland,  and  their  conduct  v/as  applauded 
by  everybody,  landlords  and  alL  They  found,  after  long  and  bitter 
experience,  that  they  were  but  contributing  to  the  payment  of 
exorbitant  and  unjust  rents  and  rendering  possible  the  continuance 
of  an  ini(piitous  system.  In  these  later  years  they  have  done  much 
to  put  an  end  to  that  iniquitous  system  and  to  restore  the  liberties 
of  their  country,  by  contributing  thousands,  instead  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  as  before;  but  in  another  way  —  in  aid  of  the  national 
movement. 

Publicity  of  Accounts  and  Estimates. 

The  present  Parliamentary  party  thought  it  right,  raoie  than  a 
year  ago,  to  publish  an  audit,  by  sworn  chartered  accounta  .s,  of  its 
financial  transactions ;  and  it  has  repeated  within  a  few  weeks  that 
operation  ;  so  that  all  the  world,  friend  and  foe,  knows  what  we  have 
received,  from  what  quarters  we  have  leceived  it,  and  how  it  has 
been  applied.  I  thougiit  it  a  natural  sequel  to  that  course  to  make 
public,  as  I  did  a  few  weeks  ago,  my  estimate  of  our  requirements 
for  this  year,  and  all  the  world  now  knows  that,  too. 

The  Needs  of  the  Irish  Party. 

We  need  in  all  a  sum  of  about  $240,000,  of  which  $45,000  is 


nrrr 


16 


ADDRESS   OF   HON.    EDWARD   RLAKE,   M.  P., 


*  H 


I  \ 


I  I 


required  for  the  payment  of  allowances  to  members.  You  here 
understand  that  question.  The  wise  men  who  framed  th(3  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Republic  prescribed  that  members  should  rective  wages. 
The  Irish  party  makes  no  pretencr  to  be  a  wealtny  party.  You 
know  who  has  tlie  wealth  of  Ireland,  Aid  how  and  why  the  masses 
of  the  people  have  remained  poor.  One-half  of  us  are  so  circum- 
stanced that  we  can,  and  of  course  we  do,  maintain  ourselves  by 
our  own  exertions  while  we  sit  in  Parliament;  but  there  are  some  on 
>.Iiom  is  imposed  a  much  heavier  sacrifice  than  that  which  falls  \\[)on 
tis,  because  they  are  called  upon  to  give  up  to  their  country  the 
golden  yeai's  of  life  and  their  opportunities  for  making  an  independ- 
ence. These  receive  and  must  receive  from  the  Irish  nation  the 
bare  means  of  subsistence,  for  it  is  no  more,  while  they  are  discharg- 
ing their  duty  to  Ireland.  It  was  only  last  session  that  the  imputii- 
tion  was  laid  upon  us  that  we  were  in  the  pay  of  the  wealthy 
Gladstonians.  That  imputation  was  resented  and  denied,  and  its 
author  apologized  in  Parliament  to  tlie  party  he  had  insulted. 

We  do  not  choose  to  be  placed  in  any  such  relatiori  to  the  Liberal 
party;  we  choose  to  meet  them  on  terms  of  absolute  and  perfect 
independence  and  equality.  It  would  be  a  humiliation  to  accept 
their  money,  even  tendered,  as  no  doubt  it  wouhl  be  tendered,  in  an 
honorable  and  respectful  spirit.  But  it  is  no  humiliation  to  Irish- 
men, fighting  the  Iiish  battle,  to  owe  some  part  of  the  means  of 
carrying  on  that  contest  to  fellow-Irishmen  ;  and  it  is  to  our  fellow- 
Irishmon  we  make  our  appeal.  We  require  $45,000  towards  the 
expense  of  the  general  election.  You  may  be  surprised  to  know 
that  in  the  old  country  the  public  charges  connected  with  an 
election,  for  example,  for  hustings,  polling  booths,  returning  officers, 
clerks,  advertisements,  and  so  forth,  are  borne  not  by  the  public,  but 
by  the  candidates,  and  thus  an  enormous  tax  is  placed  upon  the 
popular  party.  In  order  to  diminish  our  resources,  seats  absolutely 
hopeless  are  contested  by  the  landlords,  who  have  made  up  a  great 
fun  ..  For  example,  take  the  two  divisions  of  Longford,  for  which 
Mr.  McCarthy  and  I  sit.  Our  elections  were  contested,  though  it 
was  perfectly  well  known  we  would,  as  we  did,  poll  about  ten  votes 
to  one  of  our  opponents ;  and  thus  a  fine  of  betweeji  two  and  three 
thousand  dollars  was  inflicted  on  us. 

There  are  expenses  for  the  registration  of  voters,  largely  con- 
ducted at  the  cost  of  those  interested  in  the  political  movement,  for 
which  we  estimate  a  contribution  of  $10,000.  Then,  are  expenses 
connected  with  the  British  propaganda,  by  pamphlet  leaflet,  public 
meeting,  speaking,  canvassing,  and  so  forth,  through  w  nich  enormous 
results  were  achieved  between  1886  and  1890,  but  which  we  have 
been  obliged  almost  to  abandon  for  want  of  money  ;  which  we 
desire  to  resume  with  a  view  to  the  next  election  ;  and  for  which 
we  estimate  $20,000.  And  I  niay  say  to  you  that  our  advei-saries, 
whose  funds  are  practically  unlimited,  are  using  these  methods  with 


!  i 


ON   IRELAND  S   CAUSE. 


17 


;.     You   here 

tlu!  Constitu- 

ective  wages. 

pai"t3\     You 

ly  the  masses 

ve  so  oircum- 

ou.. selves  by 

B  are  some  on 

ich  falls  ni)on 

•  country  the 

an  indepeud- 

sh  nation  the 

are  discharg- 

t  the  imputa- 

the    wealthy 

mied,  and  its 

suited. 

to  the  Liberal 
e  and  perfect 
ion  to  accept 
iudered,  in  an 
ition  to  Irish- 
the  means  of 
to  our  fellow- 
)  towards  the 
ised  to  know 
3ted  with  an 
irning  olilicers, 
le  public,  but 
sed  upon  the 
its  absolutely 
e  up  a  great 
)rd,  for  which 
ted,  though  it 
)out  ten  votes 
;wo  and  three 

largely  con- 
no  vement,  for 
are  expenses 
leaflet,  public 
lich  enormous 
hich  we  have 
y  ;    whicli  we 
ind  for  which 
r  advei-saries, 
methods  with 


tremejidous  energy  and,  of  couree,  with  some  degree  of  success. 
Are  we  to  meet  them  ;  or  are  ve  to  let  ihcm  take  and  keep  the  iield 
without  opposition?  There  is  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  evicted 
tenants  during  this  year,  in  the  course  of  which  we  are  promised 
some  legislative  relief.  Their  cause  is  a  sacred  one ;  Jiishmen 
cannot  ai)andon  them  ;  and  Ireland  herself  is  undertaking  this  part 
of  the  movement.  The  reduced  estimate  on  this  head  is  <i!85,000. 
Lastly,  there  is  a  debt  of  a  little  over  '130,000  in  part  remaining  due 
since  the  period  of  the  split  and  in  part  the  balance  oi  an  advance 
given  on  the  occasion  of  the  last  election,  but  for  which  we  should 
liave  found  ourselves  unable  to  return  members  even  for  counties 
in  which  there  is  an  overwhelming  Nationalist  majority.  This  debt 
-was  due  to  the  cessation  of  subscriptions  for  a  time  after  the  split, 
and  it  must  somehow  be  made  good. 

Other  Expenses  of  the  Home  Rule  Movement. 

Now  you  nuisfc  not  suppose  these  are  all  the  expenses  of  the 
movement.  These  are  the  sums  required  by  the  central  organiza- 
tion to  supplement  the  large  local  and  individual  contributions  and 
expenditures  made  throughout  Ireland.  Nor  are  you  to  suppose 
that  heland  herself  does  nothing.  On  the  contrary,  consicVring  her 
poverty,  she  does  much.  Besides  these  laige  local  and  individual 
contributions,  the  amount  of  which  I  cannot  reckon,  but  which  I 
know  tc  be  heavy,  out  of  the  total  of  $172,500  which  came  to  the 
party  last  year,  Ireland  contributed  over  jS^OOiOOO,  while  the  Irish 
abroati  contributed  $73,000.  In  several  quarters  in  the  States, 
notably  in  this  State  of  Massachusetts,  and  also  in  some  other  parts, 
liberal  contributions  were  made,  but  the  aggregate  contributed  from 
the  States  was  1148,000  only.  Now,  how  do  you  stand  compared 
with  my  own  country  of  Canada?  You  boast  yourselves  to  be 
about  12,000,000  of  Irish-American  Nationalist  symj)athizers,  whil 
we  have  in  Canada,  I  suppose,  not  many  more  tlian  300,000.  You 
are  nearly  forty  fold  our  numbers.  Having  enjoyed  longer  and 
wider  opportunities  of  accumulation,  you  have  perhaps  fifty  or 
sixty  fold  our  wealth. 

Did  the  States  contribute  fifty  or  sixty  times  what  Canada  did 
last  year?  Did  they  contribute  ten  times?  No;  they  contributed 
about  four  times  only.  Canada  gave  $11,200  ;  and  this  year  she  has 
already  given  much,  and  I  believe  she  will  give  in  all  $15,000.  May 
we  not  hope  that  12,000,000  here  will  give  $150,000  when  they  see 
plainly  set  before  them  the  reasons  and  object  of  the  request?  I 
know  that  this  is  not  a  time  for  collections  in  this  country.  I  deplore 
for  your  sakes,  even  more  than  for  our  own,  the  sad  circumstances 
which  render  it  unfitting  to  propose  immediate  collections  here : 
and  you  may  be  sure  that  it  is  with  no  desire  to  press  upon  the 
masses  of  our  fellow-countrymen  at  this  unfavorable  moment,  that  I 
uiake  this  plain  statement  now.    I  do  so  because  it  is  the  last  oppor- 


18 


ADDRESS   OF   HON.   EDWARD  BLAKE,   M.  P., 


tunity  which  is  open  to  me  before  returning  to  the  struggle,  and 
because  I  feel  that  such  a  statement  as  I  have  made  would  with  me, 
and  therefore  I  think  it  will  with  j'ou,  afford  a  basis  for  action  when 
the  proper  time  arrives,  and  for  organization  meanwhile.  I  hope, 
too,  that  here,  as  in  Canada,  some  of  the  wealthy  Irislunen  may  act 
more  early. 

Gentlemen,  the  burden  proposed  is  light.  It  is  in  truth  infinites- 
imal if  spread  over  the  pi'oi)er  area.  And  to  that  end  organization 
—  organization  which  shall,  draw  out  the  sympathies  and  enlist  the 
support  of  the  masses  —  is  the  one  essential  thing.  I  have  therefore 
to  ask  you  in  Massachusetts,  who  are  foremost  in  that  woik  of  organ- 
ization, who  have  realized  more,  I  believe,  than  any  other  State  its 
importance  and  proved  its  efficiency,  to  still  further  extend  your 
organization.  And  I  have  to  ask  other  States  to  imitate  Massachu- 
setts and  to  enroll  themselves  in  the  National  Federation  of  America, 
to  which  we  owe  so  much.  So  doing,  and  acting  upon  the  proverb 
that  many  hands  make  light  work,  the  Irishmen  of  America  will  find 
no  difficulty  in  performing  their  part  in  the  restoration  of  the  liber- 
ties of  Ireland.  And  it  will  be  for  those  of  this  favored  generation 
a  source  of  pride  and  pleasure  in  the  days  to  come,  when  the  strug- 
gle shall  be  over,  when  the  result  shall  have  been  attained,  when  the 
great  act  of  justice  and  of  reconciliation  shall  have  been  accom- 
plished, to  be  able  to  say  that  they  stood  steadfast  to  the  cause  ;  that 
they  did  not  lose  hope  or  courage,  but  persisted  to  the  end  ;  and  'hat 
their  resolution,  determination,  and  self-sacrifice  materially  con- 
tributed to  such  a  noble  issue. 


P-, 


B  struggle,  and 
vould  witli  me, 
or  action  when 
I'hile.  I  hope, 
sUnien  may  act 

truth  infinites- 
id  organization 
and  enlist  the 
have  therefore 
woik  of  organ- 
ather  State  its 
r  extend  your 
tate  Massachu- 
on  of  America, 
m  the  proverb 
lerica  will  find 
n  of  the  liber- 
red  generation 
hen  the  strug- 
ined,  when  the 
3  been  accom- 
le  cause ;  that 
end  ;  and  -hat 
laterially   con- 


IRISH  PARLIAMENTARY  COMMITTEE. 


JUSTIN  McCARTIIV,  M.  P.,  Chairman. 

Hon.  EDWARD  BLAKE,  M.  P. 

MICHAEL  DAVITT. 

JOHN  DILLON,  M.  P. 

T.  M.  IIEALY,  M.  P. 
WILLIAM  O'BRIEN,  M.  P. 

ARTHUR  O'CONNOR,  M.  P. 

T.  P.  O'CONNOR,  M.  P. 

THOMAS  SEXTON,  M.  P. 


NATIONAL  TRUSTEES: 
JUSTIN  McCarthy,  m.  p.  john  dillon,  m.  p, 

THOMAS  SEXTON,  M.  P. 


Accounts  and  Audits  of  the  following  four  Funds  as 
Publislied  in  the  "  Freeman's  Journal  and 
,     National  Press  "  on  9th  and 
nth  December,  189^. 


IRISH  PARLIAMENTARY  FUND. 


'  1 


ACCOUNT  OF  RECEIPTS  AND  PAYMENTS 

FROM  13th  AUGUST.  1892,  TO  Jlst  OCTOBER,  1892.    . 
RKCKIl'lS. 


To  Amount  transferred  from  Irish  Nationiil  Federation  Election 
Fund  (Ut-ntTui  Election,  18!»2)     ..... 
"   Balance  of  Sj)ecial  Fund  Account    ... 


PAYMENTS. 

By  Treasurers  of  Parliamentary  Party  (J.  F.  X.  O'Brien,  M.  P., 

John  Harry,  M.  P.,  and  Alfred  VVeUl).  M.  P.) 
-•'   Evicted  Tenants  Coiuinittoe  (J.  F.  X.  O'Brien,  M.  P.,  and  D 

Slieeliy,  M.  P,)» 

"   Grants  to  Mcnihera        ...... 

"   Spealters  in  England  (expenses  of),  per  B.  C.  Molloy,  M.  P.     ' 
"   Ciieque  Boott       ....... 

"  Balance  to  next  account  ..... 


£6,072  10  11 
700    0    0 

•  £0,772  10  11 


£2,050  0  0 

3,500  0  0 

100  0  0 

100  0  0 

0  8  4 

1,022  2  7 

£«>,772  10  11 


We  have  examined  the  foregoing  Account,  witli  tlie  Books  and  Vouclier3ir)f 
the  above  Fund,  and  certify  the  same  to  he  correct. 

KEVANS  AND  SON, 

8th  December,  18!);?.  Chartered  Accountants,  22  Uame  street,  Dublin. 


FROn  31st  OCTOBER,  1892,  TO  3l5t  OCTOBER,  1893. 

1892.  REVEll'TS. 

Oct.     31  —  To  Balance  from  previous  Account  . 

Date    of 

Pulilica-  Subscriptions  — America. 

tioii. 
Apni  20  —  Irish  National  Federation  of  America, 

per  Eugene  Kelly  ....    £2,000    0    0 

May    11 — Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  Philadel- 
phia   .  .  .  .  .  .  10    0    0 

"      13  —  Irisli  National   Federation  of   America, 

per  Eugene  Kelly  .  .  .  .  800    0    0 

June     () — An  American  sympathizer,  per    Justin 

M'Carthy,  M.  P 20    0    0 

"       G — Irish   National   Federation  of    America 

per  Eugene  Kelly  .  .  .  .       1,000    0    0 

"       6  —  Fall  River,  Massachusetts,  per  Rev.  M. 

M'Gabe  .  •  .  .  .  20    0    0 

"       G  —  St. Paul,  Minnesota,  per  Thos.  Grace,  &c.         324  12    0 
"     28  —  Irish  National  Federation  of  America, 

per  Eugene  Kelly  ....       1,000    0    0 
July    13  —  Insh  National   Federation  of  America, 

per  Eugene  Kelly  .  .  .  .       1,000    0    0 

"     20  —  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  Minnesota, 

per  J.  C.  Hessian    .  .  .  .  i)2    7    0 

"     20 — St.    Patrick's,    Minnesota,    per   James 

Dillon,  &c.  .  .  .  10    0    0 

"     24  —  Irish  National  Federation  of  America, 

per  Eugene  Kelly  ....       1<|000    0    0 
28  —  Butfalo,  N.  Y.,  per  Rev.  P.  Cronin  .       1,021    8    0 

1  —  A.ncieut  Order  of  Hibernians,  Atlantic 

City,  per  B.  Conway         .  .  .  21  10    0 

30  —  W.  J.  Hynes,  per  James  Sullivan,  Chicago  10    0    0 


£1,022    2    7 


Aug. 


8,329  17    0 

*  This  sum  of  £3,500  is  a  refund  to  the  Evicted  Tenants  Funds  on  accoupt 
of  £4,060  taken  from  the  National  Fund  during  18!I2,  for  the  use  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary Party,  and  is  included  in  the  sum  ol  £18,450  debited  to  the  Evicted 
Tenants  Committee  in  the  audited  account  of  the  National  Fund  to  October,  1892. 


IRISH    PARLIAMENTARY   FUND. 


21 


•  mjT2  10  11 


£2,030    0    0 


£1,022    2    7 


—      8,329  17    0 


SiJBScniPTioNS  —  Canada*. 

Nov.    15  —  Toronto  (Irisli    Home    Rulo   Executive 
Cotiiniittcc),  [n-.v  Hon.  E.  Blake,  M.  P. 

180.1. 
Mill-.      2  —  >ron(r("(il,  iifr  Hon.  E.  IJIiikis,  M.  V. 
May     lo  —  Toronto   (Iii.-tli    Honic    Hiil(!    Excciitivi! 
Conitnittnc),  per  Hon.  E.  lU.ikc,  M.  P. 
Jnnc     (>  —  Toronto,  from  it  few  friends,  per  C.  H. 
HifJKinn         ..... 
"       0— St.   C«tlierine'.s,    Ontario,   per    Hon.    E. 
Uliike,  M.  V.  .... 

(i  —  "ue'itli,  Ontario,  per  Hon.  E.  IJIake,  .M.  P. 
(5—      lebec,  per  Hon.  E.  Hiake,  M.  P. 
"      17  —    V  '.nent  Order  of  Hibernians,  Hamilton, 
1'  itario,  per  M.  Malo'ie    . 
July    ;il  --  Montreal,  per  Hon.  E.  Hlake,  M.  P. 

Australia,  New  Zkai.vm),  and  Othkk  Placks 

AllROAD. 

1892. 

Nov.     ;5  — Vietoria  Irish  National  Federation,  per 
N.  M.  O'Donnell      .  .  .  . 

"       18  —  "  MeUionrne  Advocate  "    Fund,   per    J. 
Winter  .... 

1893. 

Jan.    12  —  J.  Daly,  New  Caledonia 

Feb.    13  —  AVellinf,'ton,  New  Z(!aland,  Irish  National 

Federation,  per  J.  P.  M'AUister 
June  28  —  C.  P.  Collins,  Sydney 
July   24  —  J.  C  Brown,  Surinam,  Dutch  Guiana, 

per  J.  R.  Cox  .... 

Aug.      1  —  Sydn(!y  Irish   National  Federation,   per 

F.  B.  Freehill,  &c. 
Si'iit.    19—  Hastings,  New  Zealand,  per  P.  M'Malion, 

etc.      ...... 

"       19-  Thonuis  M'Elroy,  Shanghai,  China  . 

"      20  —  Dalysford,  Victoria,  per  Rev.  T.  S.  Collins 

Subscriptions,  Ireland  and  Individual 
Subscriptions. 


1892. 
Dec.      1  —  J.  Shields,  Kilsytli,  Scotland 


Swords,    Co.    Dublin,    per    Rev.    J. 
Dnnphy,  C.  C.         . 


J. 


1893. 


Jan.     12  —  Major  J.  E.  Jameson,  London 
"       2G  — Sologhead,  Co.  Tipperary,  per  Rev.   T. 

O'Dwyer,  P.  P 

"       20  — A  Friend,  per  John  Dillon,  M.  P. 
April    3  — "William  Baillie,  Belfast 
June  28  —  An     Irish      Sympathizer,     per     Justin 

M'Cartliy,  M.  P 

Aug.    30— A   Symi)athi7,er,   per   Sir  T.  H.  Grattan 
Esmon(h',  M.  P.       . 
Sundry  Smaller  Subscriptions 

To  Election  Expenses  refunded     . 

To  Interest       ..... 


*  Note — In  achlition  to  tlie  subscrip- 
tions from  Canada,  a  sum  of  £5.39  Kis  Id, 
which  was  received  from  Cana(hi  for  this 
Fund,  was  acknowledged  in  and  lodged 
to  the  credit  of  the  Home  Rule  Fund,  in 
audit  of  wliich  it  will  be  found. 


£1,(V       0    0 

100    0    0 
1.50    0    0 


24  (I    1 

.58  9     7 

1(17  (i    8 

5  111 

210  0    0 


£.",00    0  0 

241  19  11 

5    0  0 

14  10  0 

0  10  0 

10    0  0 

500    0  0 

70    7  (i 

5    0  0 

34    4  5 


£4  0  0 

8  0  0 

100  0  0 

10  0  0 

20  0  0 

5  0  0 

50  0  0 

50  0  0 

10  0  0 


£1,717    9    5 


1,187  11  10 


257  0  0 

35  0  0 

2  5  0 

£12,551  6  4 


T 


112  ! 


22 


HOME  RULE   FUND. 


1892. 
Nov.    17- 

1893. 

Jan.    2(3  — 
April  19  — 
"     19  — 
Juno  23  — 
Sept.     5  — 

By 

a 

it 
it 
n 
t, 

tt 
(( 
(( 
i( 

4( 
(( 

it 
tt 

it 
tt 
tt 

PAYMENTS. 

Trea.surers  of  Parliamentarv  Party, 
J.  F.  X.  O'Brien,  M.  P.,  John  Barry, 
M.  P.,  and  Alfred  "Webb,  M.  P.       . 

Do                    do 
Do                   do 
Do                     do 
Do                     do 
Do                     do 

Evicted  Tenants  Committee,  J.  F.  X. 
O'Brien,  M.  P.,  and  u.  Sheehy,  M.  P. 
Do                     do 

T.  Curran,  >f.  P.,  —  Repayment  on 
account  of  Loan 

Do                    do 

Dr.    Fox,    M.    P.,   for    Expenses    of 

Mission  to  America     . 
Grants  to  members 

Meath  Election  Petitions  (on  account 
of  Costs),  P.  A.  Chance,  M.  P. 

Clare  Election  Petition  (on  account 
of  Costs),  P.  A.  Chance,  M.  P. 

Cablegrams           .           ,           .           . 
Interest  on  overdrafts   . 
Balance  to  next  account 

£1,000 

1,000 
1,775 
500 
2.400 
2,400 

0 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

0 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

£9,075    0 

1,800    0 

750    0 

350    0 

450    0 

17  13 

3  18 

104  14 

0 

Sept.     5  — 
"     15  — 

1,500 
300 

0 
0 

0 
0 

0 
0 

0 

0 
0 
9 

7 

July    28  — 
Sept.     8  — 

:i0o 

250 

0 
0 

0 
0 

1892. 
Nov.    17  — 

150 
200 

0 
0 

0 
0 

Nov.      7  — 

1893 
Jan.      9  - 

200 
250 

0 
0 

0 
0 

■; 

• 

£12,551    6    4 

We  have  exaininod  the  foregoing  Account,  with  the  Books  and  Vouchers  of 
above  Fund,  and  certify  the  same  to  be  correct. 

KEVANS   AND   SON, 
8th  December,  1893.  Chartered  Accountants,  22  Dame  street,  Dublin. 


HOME  RULE  EUND. 


ACCOUNT  OF  RECEIPTS  AND  PAYMENTS 

FROn  lOth  nARCH,  1893,  TO  3l5t  JCTORBR,  1893. 

RECKIPTS. 


To  subscriptionfi  published  in  "  Freeman's  Journal 
and  National  Press  "  :- 

Ireland       ...... 

England  and  Scotland 

Date    of 

Publica- 
tion, America- 
1893. 

April  11  —  Wilkes  Barre,  Pennsylvania,  per  Rev.  A. 

M'Andrews  ..... 
"     20  —  T.  Coleman,  Laurenceburg,  Indiana 
May    25  —  Rev.  M.  J.  Heban,  Ashley,  Pa 
July    13  —  Andres    Gcoghegan,   Estaneia    Etnmett, 

Buenos  Ayrea         .... 


£4, 


,026  12    7 
9C7    3    3 


£23  10 

2    0 

12    (> 

0 
0 
0 

2    0 

0 

39    It]    0 

EVICTED  TENANTS  FUND. 


28 


.  0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

— 

£»,075 

0 

0 

0 

0 

— 

1,80() 

0 

0 

0 

0 

~~ 

750 

0 

0 

0 

0 

- 

350 

0 

0 

460    0  0 

17  13  0 

3  18  0 

104  14  7 

£12,551    6    4 

1(1  Vouchers  of 

IN. 

street,  Dublin. 


rs 


£4,026  12    7 
007    3    3 


Canada  — 
Ai)ril    3  — Montreal,  per  Hon.  E.  Blake,  M,  P. 
"       3  —  Ottawa,  per  same       .  .  .  ; 

"     11  —  Winnipeg  Home  Rule  Association,  per 
P.  D.  O'Phelan        .  .  .  , 

"     22  —  Ottawa,  per  Hon.  E.  Blake,  M.  P. 
"     29  —  Winnipeg  Home  Rule  Association,  per 
P.  D.  O'Phelan        .  ,  .       '    , 

Australia  — 
April  13  -  Irish  National  Federation,  Adelaide,  per 
John  Dillon,  M.  P.  .  .  . 

New  Zealand  — 
April    3  —  Irish  National  Federation,  Wellington, 
per  P.  M'Alister     .  .  .  . 

Africa  — 
July   27  —  Irishmen  of  Kimberley,  per  M.  Cornwall 
Miscellaneous 


Less, 
Subscriptions    acknowledged    in    error, 
transferred  to  — 
Irish  National  Federation 
Irish  Parliamentary  Fund 


£100    0    0 
203  17    0 

23    6  11 
203  17    0 

8  15    2 


£539  IG    1 


i:i0    0    0 


14  10  0 

(i6  12  C 

38  10  0 

£5,823  0  5 


£5    0    0 
119  10    0 
124  10    0 


PA  YMENTS. 
By  Evicted  Tenants  Committee,   J.  F.  X.  O'Brien.  M.  P.    and 
David  Sheehy,  M.  P.  .  . 

"  Treasurers  Parliamentary  Party,  J.  F.X.  O'Brien, M.  P.',  John" 
Barry,  M.  P.,  and  Alfred  Webb,  M.  P.  .  . 

Irish    National    Federation    (for   Registration    and    General 
Expenses)     •  .  .  .  , 

"  Election  Expenses         •  .  .  . 

"   Law  Costs  •  .  .  .  . 

"  Travelling  Expenses     .  , 

"  Printing  and  Stationary 
"   Advertising  •  .  .  .  . 

"   Office  Expenses  ...... 

!,'  ^"  9"."^J*'  ^-  ^•'  Repayment  on  account  of  Loaii 

Cash  in  Hands  of  Secretary    . 
"  Balance  in  Bank 


£5,098  10    5 

1,200    0  0 

1,142    8  G 

1,350    0  0 

391    1  3 

210    5  0 

18    0  0 

17  10  5 

4G    9  11 

15    8  8A 

760    0  0 

9  15  5A 

547  11  2 


fi,«.  ^^      l^  examined  the  foregoing  Account,  with  the  Books  and  Vouchers  of 
the  above  Fund,  and  certify  the  same  to  be  correct.  "ucuers  or 

«fi,  r.  1        ,o«o  KEVANS  AND  SON, 

8th  December,  1893.  Chartered  Accountants,  22  Dame  street,  Dublin. 


EVICTED  TENANTS  FUND. 

ACCOUNT  OF  RECEIPTS  AND  PAYMENTS 

FROn  14th  OCTOBER,  1892,  TO  3Ht  OCTOBER,  1893. 
RECEIPTS. 


89    Hi    0 


To  subscriptions  published  in  "Freeman's  journal 
and  National  Press  "  :— 

Ireland       ...... 

England  and  Scotland 
Date    of 
Publica- 
tion. America  — 

^f,^-    „1  -  •^^J'riend,  per  ^'  Irish  Catholic  " 
Feb. 


£15,856    4  n 
856    4    G 


oi  ~  T  *  "^'iia.  per  "  Irish  Catholic  "  . 
24  —  John  Conroy,  Inalip,  Washington 
26  —  Rev.  Q.  Clarkaon,  Milford,  Michigan 


£2 
2 
1 


"r 


24 


EVICTED   TENANTS   COMMITTKE. 


Fcl).     'ir>  —  Ilcv.  M.  Klciiiiiig,  Hastings,  MicliiEtan     . 

Miir.  1(>  —  Woonsockft.  KIkmI.'  Island,  |)cr  llt^v.  M. 
M'Cahc,  tln-oiifili  liis  Grace  tlio  Arcli- 
l)isli(p|)  (if  Dnldin    .... 

Nkw  Zkaland  — 
I'Y'l).      ?,—  IrisliNatiunal  rcdcratinn,  AuckUmd,  piT 
M.  J.  Slicelian,  tliro'-'rii  ,TcIin  Dillon, 
M.  P.  .  . 

1.")  — Do  do  du 

Anonymous,  &(;  , 


£1     0    0 


i-"(;   2   6 
<;  0  0 


r  \  YMEXTS. 
By  Evicted   T.-nants   Connnitt.cf,  .7.   F.  X.    O'iJricn,  M.    V. 

David  Shccliy,  M.  1' 

"   Ollicc  Exjicnsi'H,  Dublin  and  l^oik     .... 

"   Convention  Expenses    ...... 

'•   Advertising  ...... 

"    I'rintinj,'  and  Stationary  ..... 

'■   National  Fund  (to  elose)  .... 

"   Balance 


and 


.i;!08    0    0 


A-1    'J    i; 
274    0    0 

Mil ,:'>■■'.(•,  0  1] 


1(1,1!).-)  17  H 

■.v.\'>  U)  :; 

«.■)  l!l  L' 

1!k;  ;!  (1 

it.i  il  4 

(iO  17  4 

:!70  ]«  s 


£l7.:i;j(i    0  11 
We  have  examined  tlio  foregoing  Account,  with  the   Hook-;  and   Vouchers. 
and  certify  the  same  to  be  correct. 

KEVANS   AND   SOX, 
8th  December,  1893.  Chartered  Accountants,  'J:2  Dame  street,  Dublin. 


EVICTED  TENANTS  COMMITTEE. 

The  Kv!<  ted  Tenants  Coiniiiittei' wa-^  appohittvl  iiv  tin' CeiiiiHiitce  of  the  Irii-'i  i'ailia- 
inentar.v  I'avty,  and  consists  of  .Me.-^si-s.  Midiael  l)iivilt,  Willhiin  olJnen,  M ,  I'.,.!.  K. 
\.  O'ISvicn,  .M.  I'.,  .IdIui  Dillon,  M.  1'.,  and  Oavil  .Shecliy,  M.  1'.,  of  whom  Aiu.^f-rs.  .1.  K. 
X.  O'Brien  ami  David  Stieeli.v  arc  al.-»o  Treasurers. 

The  following  Is  the  Audit  of  the  Kxiiemllture  of  the  Fuud  vote<l  to  the  C'onimiitce  :— 

ACCOUNT  OF  RECEIPTS  AND  PAYMENTS 

FROn  1st  OCTOBER,  1892,  TO  .^Ist  OCTOBER,  1893. 

RKCKIPTS. 


To  Balance  in  National  IJank 

"  Balance  on  hand 

"  Evicted  Tenants  Fuixl 

"  Irish  Parliamentary  Fund 

"  Homelinle  Fund 

"  Grants  forfeited  and  returned 

"  Overdraft,  Hibernian  Bank   . 


PAYMENTS. 
By  Expenditure  on  Evicted  Tenants;  — 

Grants  ...... 

Graiit  in  aid  of  Tottenham  Settlement    . 

Law  Costs       ...... 

Building  and  Repairing  Houses   . 
Rents  of  Farms  retained   f(n-  use  of  'i'riiints, 
Taxes,  Insurance,  Ollice,  and  Miscellaneous 
Expenses  ..... 

"    Che(]ue  Books    ...... 

"   Balance  in  National  Bai  k      . 

"         do      on  liand  ..... 


i'14!)    0    8 
1     0    (t 


t.'l.".()  0  S 

IfMli.'i  17  .S 

],MM»  0  0 

l.'JOO  0  0 

4  I'i  0 

14  17  .! 

.■t'i!),;'().'i  7  7 


JE17,."iO  1  0 

•JSO  0  0 

.S'.t.-i  11  1 

147  4  4 


4«()    4     2 


f?  12    0 
1    0    0 


ti!),;r.7   0   7 
.■I  ir>   0 


4  12    0 


£1!),:!(15    7    7 
We.  liave  examined  tlie  foregoing  Account,  with  the  Books  and  Vouchers, 
and  certify  the  same  to  be  correct. 

KEVANS  AND  SON, 
9tli  December,  1893.  ChartertMl  Accountants,  22  Dame  street,  Dublin. 


.f  ; 


)     0 


I    0 


v.m  <)  0 


:    1) 
1    0 

— 

4'_'    'J    (J 

'.'74    0    0 

J.'17,. •!:!(;  0  11 

111(1 

1(1,1!)-)  17    8 

■.',:\'2  ir.   ;! 

«.")  l!l    2 

1!K)     ;!    (i 

!);!    i)    4 

CO  17    4 

.",70  IH    S 

i:i7,.'i;j(i   0  11 

s  am 

1    \'nll(]icis, 

50X, 

0  stvi 

I'ft,  Dublin. 

;e. 


'  the  Irl^t!  i'ail 
liijer.,  M,  I'.,.!. 
lioin  Mu.if^r.-*.  .1. 

K. 
K. 

ic  C'oiiimiitoc :- 

- 

;nts 

93. 

8 

0 

—        -t'l.W     0 

.      l(i,l!l,')  17 

l.MHt     0 

1,'JOO     0 

4   !•_' 

14  17 

S 
8 
0 
0 
0 

;! 

£1 !),;'(!,'")    7 

7 

—  ti!),; 

t."i7    0    7 

:;  ir,   0 

0 

0 

— 

4  12    0 

.t:i!),:;<i5   7   7 
and  Vouchors, 

ON, 
street,  Dublin. 


